【米中冷戦】ペンス副大統領の歴史的なチャイナ・スピーチ

2018-11-01政治・社会, 時事ネタ, 英語の話

ペンス大統領がハドソン研究所で行ったスピーチは米中冷戦の宣戦布告ともとれる重要な内容だ。世界情勢と英語を同時勉強できる恰好の教材なので紹介しよう。

ペンスのチャイナスピーチ

スピーチは2018年10月4日、ワシントンDCにある保守系シンクタンク「ハドソン研究所」で行われた。動画開始後2分くらいから約40分にわたるスピーチになっている。

要約と分析

内容の要約とその示唆するものについては、以下の長谷川幸洋氏の記事を参照にしてほしい。

最も大事なポイントをペンスの発言を引用して示せば、次のようになる。

原因

Beijing is employing a whole-of-government approach, using political, economic, and military tools, as well as propaganda, to advance its influence and benefit its interests in the United States.

北京は、政治・経済・軍事的手段、ならびにプロパガンダを通じて政府一丸となってアメリカにおける中国の影響力と利益の拡大に努めている。

アメリカは過去、中国の「百年屈辱」の時代(1840-1949、”century of humiliation”)にあっても敵対行動をとらず、友好的態度を維持した。鄧小平の改革開放後も、開かれた互恵的な関係を構築しようと市場開放や対中投資を行ってきた。にもかかわらず、中国はアメリカに対抗し、アメリカに代って世界の覇権国にならんとする裏切り行為を始めた。アメリカ内外への「諸工作」はすでに許容範囲を超えた。

結果

But our message to China’s rulers is this: This President will not back down. (Applause.) The American people will not be swayed.

中国指導層へのメッセージは以下だ。我々の大統領は一歩も引かない。アメリカ国民はまどわされない。

つまり、政治(共産主義)、経済(為替、通商政策、市場自由化、知財・技術防衛)、軍事(最新鋭兵器の機密保持)、プロパガンダ(アメリカ国内マスメディア、言論機関、高等教育機関、映画、その他の文化領域)の各方面で、アメリカは中国に対して従来の融和姿勢から強硬姿勢に全面転換するとの明確なお告げである。

それがいやなら態度を改めろという脅しなのだが、共産党が共産党である限り現在の路線を改められるはずはない。だから事実上の「冷戦布告」になっているのである。

対訳

以下のサイトに公開されている。

本記事の構成

  • 英語全文を記載する。長くなるので、対訳はポイントのみに付ける。
  • 読みやすさを考慮して見出しを挿入する。
  • 本文の重要部分を太字で表記する。
  • 必要に応じて適宜、参考情報を付加する。
  • 最後に、ブログ主の感想を記す。

Remarks by Vice President Pence on the Administration’s Policy Toward China

Issued on: October 4, 2018

The Hudson Institute
Washington, D.C.

11:07 A.M. EDT

前置き

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Ken, for that kind introduction. To the Members of the Board of Trustees, to Dr. Michael Pillsbury, to our distinguished guests, and to all of you who, true to your mission in this place, “think about the future in unconventional ways” –- it is an honor to be back at the Hudson Institute.

マイケル・ピルズベリー
対中政策ブレイン。本スピーチの事実上のライターと目されるキーパーソン。

For more than a half a century, this Institute has dedicated itself to “advancing global security, prosperity, and freedom.” And while Hudson’s hometowns have changed over the years, one thing has been constant: You have always advanced that vital truth, that American leadership lights the way.

And today, speaking of leadership, allow me to begin by bringing greetings from a great champion of American leadership at home and abroad –- I bring greetings from the 45th President of the United States of America, President Donald Trump. (Applause.)

中国主席の厚遇

From early in this administration, President Trump has made our relationship with China and President Xi a priority. On April 6th of last year, President Trump welcomed President Xi to Mar-a-Lago. On November 8th of last year, President Trump traveled to Beijing, where China’s leader welcomed him warmly.

Over the course of the past two years, our President has forged a strong personal relationship with the President of the People’s Republic of China, and they’ve worked closely on issues of common interest, most importantly the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

中国の態度

But I come before you today because the American people deserve to know that, as we speak, Beijing is employing a whole-of-government approach, using political, economic, and military tools, as well as propaganda, to advance its influence and benefit its interests in the United States.

China is also applying this power in more proactive ways than ever before, to exert influence and interfere in the domestic policy and politics of this country.

アメリカの対応

Under President Trump’s leadership, the United States has taken decisive action to respond to China with American action, applying the principles and the policies long advocated in these halls.

In our National Security Strategy that the President Trump released last December, he described a new era of “great power competition.” Foreign nations have begun to, as we wrote, “reassert their influence regionally and globally,” and they are “contesting [America’s] geopolitical advantages and trying [in essence] to change the international order in their favor.”

対中方針転換

In this strategy, President Trump made clear that the United States of America has adopted a new approach to China. We seek a relationship grounded in fairness, reciprocity, and respect for sovereignty, and we have taken strong and swift action to achieve that goal.

As the President said last year on his visit to China, in his words, “we have an opportunity to strengthen the relationship between our two countries and improve the lives of our citizens.” Our vision of the future is built on the best parts of our past, when America and China reached out to one another in a spirit of openness and friendship.

米中関係史

When our young nation went searching in the wake of the Revolutionary War for new markets for our exports, the Chinese people welcomed American traders laden with ginseng and fur.

When China suffered through indignities and exploitations during her so-called “Century of Humiliation,” America refused to join in, and advocated the “Open Door” policy, so that we could have freer trade with China, and preserve their sovereignty.

When American missionaries brought the good news to China’s shores, they were moved by the rich culture of an ancient and vibrant people. And not only did they spread their faith, but those same missionaries founded some of China’s first and finest universities.

アメリカはここで日中関係の原点を18世紀後半、独立戦争(Revolutionary War)時代の米朝交易に求めている。19世紀中盤以降の「百年屈辱」の時代もアメリカは中国を搾取せず、門戸開放政策(Open Door Policy)の下、一貫して中国の主権を尊重したと規定する。

Century of Humiliation
中国側の呼称は「百年屈辱。アヘン戦争、日清戦争、日中戦争を経て共産党国家樹立に至る1840年から1949年までの一世紀を指す。中国はアヘン戦争で世界No.1の地位を失い、日清戦争でアジアNo.1の座を降りた。この時代は彼らのトラウマになっている(と表向きは言っている)。

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日中戦争以後の関係史

When the Second World War arose, we stood together as allies in the fight against imperialism. And in that war’s aftermath, America ensured that China became a charter member of the United Nations, and a great shaper of the post-war world.

But soon after it took power in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party began to pursue authoritarian expansionism. It is remarkable to think that only five years after our nations had fought together, we fought each other in the mountains and valleys of the Korean Peninsula. My own father saw combat on that frontier of freedom.

But not even the brutal Korean War could diminish our mutual desire to restore the ties that for so long had bound our peoples together. China’s estrangement from the United States ended in 1972, and, soon after, we re-established diplomatic relations and began to open our economies to one another, and American universities began training a new generation of Chinese engineers, business leaders, scholars, and officials.

After the fall of the Soviet Union, we assumed that a free China was inevitable. Heady with optimism at the turn of the 21st Century, America agreed to give Beijing open access to our economy, and we brought China into the World Trade Organization.

引き続き、対中融和策が並べられる。第二次世界大戦後もアメリカは中国の国連常任理事国入りを認めたが、共産党政権は全体主義的拡張主義を追求し始めた。朝鮮半島時は敵対さえしたが、米中関係の絆は切れなかった。アメリカは対中投資を再開、ソ連崩壊後にも「自由な中国」の実現を後押しすべく市場を解放し、中国のWTO入りを承認もした。

裏切られた自由化への期待

Previous administrations made this choice in the hope that freedom in China would expand in all of its forms -– not just economically, but politically, with a newfound respect for classical liberal principles, private property, personal liberty, religious freedom — the entire family of human rights. But that hope has gone unfulfilled.

The dream of freedom remains distant for the Chinese people. And while Beijing still pays lip service to “reform and opening,” Deng Xiaoping’s famous policy now rings hollow.

しかし(とアメリカはいう)、中国が古典的自由主義の諸原則を守る自由国家になるという期待は裏切られた。鄧小平の「改革開放路線」の夢が虚しく響く。

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中国政府の不適切な対応

Over the past 17 years, China’s GDP has grown nine-fold; it’s become the second-largest economy in the world. Much of this success was driven by American investment in China. And the Chinese Communist Party has also used an arsenal of policies inconsistent with free and fair trade, including tariffs, quotas, currency manipulation, forced technology transfer, intellectual property theft, and industrial subsidies that are handed out like candy to foreign investment. These policies have built Beijing’s manufacturing base, at the expense of its competitors -– especially the United States of America.

アメリカは今後、ここに列挙された課題の一個一個を是正していくという決意表明である。

China’s actions have contributed to a trade deficit with the United States that last year ran to $375 billion –- nearly half of our global trade deficit. As President Trump said just this week, in his words, “We rebuilt China” over the last 25 years.

Now, through the “Made in China 2025” plan, the Communist Party has set its sights on controlling 90 percent of the world’s most advanced industries, including robotics, biotechnology, and artificial intelligence. To win the commanding heights of the 21st century economy, Beijing has directed its bureaucrats and businesses to obtain American intellectual property –- the foundation of our economic leadership -– by any means necessary.

自由競争の代わりに中国政府は基本的にありとあらゆる模倣と盗用(技術や知財)により「メイド・イン・チャイナ2025」に規定された経済強国を目指している。

度し難い権謀術数

Beijing now requires many American businesses to hand over their trade secrets as the cost of doing business in China. It also coordinates and sponsors the acquisition of American firms to gain ownership of their creations. Worst of all, Chinese security agencies have masterminded the wholesale theft of American technology –- including cutting-edge military blueprints. And using that stolen technology, the Chinese Communist Party is turning plowshares into swords on a massive scale.

China now spends as much on its military as the rest of Asia combined, and Beijing has prioritized capabilities to erode America’s military advantages on land, at sea, in the air, and in space. China wants nothing less than to push the United States of America from the Western Pacific and attempt to prevent us from coming to the aid of our allies. But they will fail.

Beijing is also using its power like never before. Chinese ships routinely patrol around the Senkaku Islands, which are administered by Japan. And while China’s leader stood in the Rose Garden at the White House in 2015 and said that his country had, and I quote, “no intention to militarize” the South China Sea, today, Beijing has deployed advanced anti-ship and anti-air missiles atop an archipelago of military bases constructed on artificial islands.

China’s aggression was on display this week, when a Chinese naval vessel came within 45 yards of the USS Decatur as it conducted freedom-of-navigation operations in the South China Sea, forcing our ship to quickly maneuver to avoid collision. Despite such reckless harassment, the United States Navy will continue to fly, sail, and operate wherever international law allows and our national interests demand. We will not be intimidated and we will not stand down. (Applause.)

中国進出企業へのプレッシャーのみならずアメリカの軍事機密にまで国家ぐるみで手を突っ込んできており、軍事的示威行動も活発化している。極端な話、アメリカをユーラシア大陸から引き剥がし、太平洋の西半分に引っ込んでいろといわんばかりの態度だが、アメリカは恐れないし、けっしてひるまない。

「us military vs china」の画像検索結果

現状中国の規定:全面的な反動国家化

America had hoped that economic liberalization would bring China into a greater partnership with us and with the world. Instead, China has chosen economic aggression, which has in turn emboldened its growing military.

Nor, as we had hoped, has Beijing moved toward greater freedom for its own people. For a time, Beijing inched toward greater liberty and respect for human rights. But in recent years, China has taken a sharp U-turn toward control and oppression of its own people.

Today, China has built an unparalleled surveillance state, and it’s growing more expansive and intrusive – often with the help of U.S. technology. What they call the “Great Firewall of China” likewise grows higher, drastically restricting the free flow of information to the Chinese people.

And by 2020, China’s rulers aim to implement an Orwellian system premised on controlling virtually every facet of human life — the so-called “Social Credit Score.” In the words of that program’s official blueprint, it will “allow the trustworthy to roam everywhere under heaven, while making it hard for the discredited to take a single step.”

And when it comes to religious freedom, a new wave of persecution is crashing down on Chinese Christians, Buddhists, and Muslims.

Last month, Beijing shut down one of China’s largest underground churches. Across the country, authorities are tearing down crosses, burning bibles, and imprisoning believers. And Beijing has now reached a deal with the Vatican that gives the avowedly atheist Communist Party a direct role in appointing Catholic bishops. For China’s Christians, these are desperate times.

Beijing is also cracking down on Buddhism. Over the past decade, more than 150 Tibetan Buddhist monks have lit themselves on fire to protest China’s repression of their beliefs and their culture. And in Xinjiang, the Communist Party has imprisoned as many as one million Muslim Uyghurs in government camps where they endure around-the-clock brainwashing. Survivors of the camps have described their experiences as a deliberate attempt by Beijing to strangle Uyghur culture and stamp out the Muslim faith.

As history attests though, a country that oppresses its own people rarely stops there. And Beijing also aims to extend its reach across the wider world. As Hudson’s own Dr. Michael Pillsbury has written, “China has opposed the actions and goals of the U.S. government. Indeed, China is building its own relationships with America’s allies and enemies that contradict any peaceful or productive intentions of Beijing.”

一帯一路参加国の負債リスク
BRI(Belt and Road Initiative:一帯一路)参加国の負債リスク度

In fact, China uses so-called “debt diplomacy” to expand its influence. Today, that country is offering hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure loans to governments from Asia to Africa to Europe and even Latin America. Yet the terms of those loans are opaque at best, and the benefits invariably flow overwhelmingly to Beijing.

Just ask Sri Lanka, which took on massive debt to let Chinese state companies build a port of questionable commercial value. Two years ago, that country could no longer afford its payments, so Beijing pressured Sri Lanka to deliver the new port directly into Chinese hands. It may soon become a forward military base for China’s growing blue-water navy.

Within our own hemisphere, Beijing has extended a lifeline to the corrupt and incompetent Maduro regime in Venezuela that’s been oppressing its own people. They pledged $5 billion in questionable loans to be repaid with oil. China is also that country’s single largest creditor, saddling the Venezuelan people with more than $50 billion in debt, even as their democracy vanishes. Beijing is also impacting some nations’ politics by providing direct support to parties and candidates who promise to accommodate China’s strategic objectives.

And since last year alone, the Chinese Communist Party has convinced three Latin American nations to sever ties with Taipei and recognize Beijing. These actions threaten the stability of the Taiwan Strait, and the United States of America condemns these actions. And while our administration will continue to respect our One China Policy, as reflected in the three joint communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act, America will always believe that Taiwan’s embrace of democracy shows a better path for all the Chinese people. (Applause.)

アメリカによる現状規定が列挙されている。

  • 経済自由化の反動としての攻撃的経済への移行、軍事強化
  • 監視国家化(AIによる社会信用評価システム)
  • 借金漬け外交による開発途上国の取り込み(アメリカ権益の荒らし行為とも)
  • 南シナ海の要塞化、台湾孤立化への策動

中国をアメリカの国益に反する反動国家と定義している。

歴代民主党政権の不作為とトランプ政権の応答

Now these are only a few of the ways that China has sought to advance its strategic interests across the world, with growing intensity and sophistication. Yet previous administrations all but ignored China’s actions. And in many cases, they abetted them. But those days are over.

Under President Trump’s leadership, the United States of America has been defending our interests with renewed American strength.

We’ve been making the strongest military in the history of the world stronger still. Earlier this year, President Trump signed into law the largest increase in our national defense since the days of Ronald Reagan -– $716 billion to extend the strength of the American military to every domain.

We’re modernizing our nuclear arsenal. We’re fielding and developing new cutting-edge fighters and bombers. We’re building a new generation of aircraft carriers and warships. We’re investing as never before in our armed forces. And this includes initiating the process to establish the United States Space Force to ensure our continued dominance in space, and we’ve taken action to authorize increased capability in the cyber world to build deterrence against our adversaries.

At President Trump’s direction, we’re also implementing tariffs on $250 billion in Chinese goods, with the highest tariffs specifically targeting the advanced industries that Beijing is trying to capture and control. And as the President has also made clear, we will levy even more tariffs, with the possibility of substantially more than doubling that number, unless a fair and reciprocal deal is made. (Applause.)

These actions — exercises in American strength — have had a major impact. China’s largest stock exchange fell by 25 percent in the first nine months of this year, in large part because our administration has been standing strong against Beijing’s trade practices.

As President Trump has made clear, we don’t want China’s markets to suffer. In fact, we want them to thrive. But the United States wants Beijing to pursue trade policies that are free, fair, and reciprocal. And we will continue to stand and demand that they do. (Applause.)

トランプ政権は中国の増長を放任してきた歴代政権とは違う。

  • 軍備の現代化と再強化
  • 対中関税強化

中国による政治攻撃:内政干渉的な諸工作

Sadly, China’s rulers, thus far, have refused to take that path. The American people deserve to know: In response to the strong stand that President Trump has taken, Beijing is pursuing a comprehensive and coordinated campaign to undermine support for the President, our agenda, and our nation’s most cherished ideals.

I want to tell you today what we know about China’s actions here at home — some of which we’ve gleaned from intelligence assessments, some of which are publicly available. But all of which are fact.

As I said before, as we speak, Beijing is employing a whole-of-government approach to advance its influence and benefit its interests. It’s employing this power in more proactive and coercive ways to interfere in the domestic policies of this country and to interfere in the politics of the United States.

The Chinese Communist Party is rewarding or coercing American businesses, movie studios, universities, think tanks, scholars, journalists, and local, state, and federal officials.

And worst of all, China has initiated an unprecedented effort to influence American public opinion, the 2018 elections, and the environment leading into the 2020 presidential elections. To put it bluntly, President Trump’s leadership is working; and China wants a different American President.

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There can be no doubt: China is meddling in America’s democracy. As President Trump said just last week, we have, in his words, “found that China has been attempting to interfere in our upcoming [midterm] election[s].”

Our intelligence community says that “China is targeting U.S. state and local governments and officials to exploit any divisions between federal and local levels on policy. It’s using wedge issues, like trade tariffs, to advance Beijing’s political influence.”

In June, Beijing itself circulated a sensitive document, entitled “Propaganda and Censorship Notice.” It laid out its strategy. It stated that China must, in their words, “strike accurately and carefully, splitting apart different domestic groups” in the United States of America.

To that end, Beijing has mobilized covert actors, front groups, and propaganda outlets to shift Americans’ perception of Chinese policy. As a senior career member of our intelligence community told me just this week, what the Russians are doing pales in comparison to what China is doing across this country. And the American people deserve to know it.

Senior Chinese officials have also tried to influence business leaders to encourage them to condemn our trade actions, leveraging their desire to maintain their operations in China. In one recent example, China threatened to deny a business license for a major U.S. corporation if they refused to speak out against our administration’s policies.

And when it comes to influencing the midterms, you need only look at Beijing’s tariffs in response to ours. The tariffs imposed by China to date specifically targeted industries and states that would play an important role in the 2018 election. By one estimate, more than 80 percent of U.S. counties targeted by China voted for President Trump and I in 2016; now China wants to turn these voters against our administration.

And China is also directly appealing to the American voters. Last week, the Chinese government paid to have a multipage supplement inserted into the Des Moines Register –- the paper of record of the home state of our Ambassador to China, and a pivotal state in 2018 and 2020. The supplement, designed to look like the news articles, cast our trade policies as reckless and harmful to Iowans.

Fortunately, Americans aren’t buying it. For example, American farmers are standing with this President and are seeing real results from the strong stands that he’s taken, including this week’s U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement, where we’ve substantially opened North American markets to U.S. products. The USMCA is a great win for American farmers and American manufacturers. (Applause.)

中国の内政干渉的工作の数々が具体的に指摘されている。

中国による企業へのプレッシャー

But China’s actions aren’t focused solely on influencing our policies and politics. Beijing is also taking steps to exploit its economic leverage, and the allure of their large marketplace, to advance its influence over American businesses.

Beijing now requires American joint ventures that operate in China to establish what they call “party organizations” within their company, giving the Communist Party a voice –- and perhaps a veto -– in hiring and investment decisions.

Chinese authorities have also threatened U.S. companies that depict Taiwan as a distinct geographic entity, or that stray from Chinese policy on Tibet. Beijing compelled Delta Airlines to publicly apologize for not calling Taiwan a “province of China” on its website. And it pressured Marriott to fire a U.S. employee who merely liked a tweet about Tibet.

And Beijing routinely demands that Hollywood portray China in a strictly positive light. It punishes studios and producers that don’t. Beijing’s censors are quick to edit or outlaw movies that criticize China, even in minor ways. For the movie, “World War Z,” they had to cut the script’s mention of a virus because it originated in China. The movie, “Red Dawn” was digitally edited to make the villains North Korean, not Chinese.

アメリカ内外でのプロパガンダ

But beyond business and entertainment, the Chinese Communist Party is also spending billions of dollars on propaganda outlets in the United States and, frankly, around the world.

China Radio International now broadcasts Beijing-friendly programs on over 30 U.S. outlets, many in major American cities. The China Global Television Network reaches more than 75 million Americans, and it gets its marching orders directly from its Communist Party masters. As China’s top leader put it during a visit to the network’s headquarters, and I quote, “The media run by the Party and the government are propaganda fronts and must have the Party as their surname.”

It’s for those reasons and that reality that, last month, the Department of Justice ordered that network to register as a foreign agent.

インターネットなどの情報環境の監視

The Communist Party has also threatened and detained the Chinese family members of American journalists who pry too deep. And it’s blocked the websites of U.S. media organizations and made it harder for our journalists to get visas. This happened after the New York Times published investigative reports about the wealth of some of China’s leaders.

But the media isn’t the only place where the Chinese Communist Party seeks to foster a culture of censorship. The same is true across academia.

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高等教育機関への介入

I mean, look no further than the Chinese Students and Scholars Association, of which there are more than 150 branches across America’s campuses. These groups help organize social events for some of the more than 430,000 Chinese nationals studying in the United States. They also alert Chinese consulates and embassies when Chinese students, and American schools, stray from the Communist Party line.

At the University of Maryland, a Chinese student recently spoke at her graduation of what she called, and I quote, the “fresh air of free speech” in America. The Communist Party’s official newspaper swiftly chastised her. She became the victim of a firestorm of criticism on China’s tightly-controlled social media, and her family back home was harassed. As for the university itself, its exchange program with China — one of the nation’s most extensive — suddenly turned from a flood to a trickle.

China exerts academic pressure in other ways, as well. Beijing provides generous funding to universities, think tanks, and scholars, with the understanding that they will avoid ideas that the Communist Party finds dangerous or offensive. China experts in particular know that their visas will be delayed or denied if their research contradicts Beijing’s talking points.

And even scholars and groups who avoid Chinese funding are targeted by that country, as the Hudson Institute found out firsthand. After you offered to host a speaker Beijing didn’t like, your website suffered a major cyber attack, originating from Shanghai. The Hudson Institute knows better than most that the Chinese Communist Party is trying to undermine academic freedom and the freedom of speech in America today.

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アメリカのメッセージ

These and other actions, taken as a whole, constitute an intensifying effort to shift American public opinion and policy away from the “America First” leadership of President Donald Trump.

But our message to China’s rulers is this: This President will not back down. (Applause.) The American people will not be swayed. And we will continue to stand strong for our security and our economy, even as we hope for improved relations with Beijing.

Our administration is going to continue to act decisively to protect America’s interests, American jobs, and American security.

As we rebuild our military, we will continue to assert American interests across the Indo-Pacific.

As we respond to China’s trade practices, we will continue to demand an economic relationship with China that is free, fair, and reciprocal. We will demand that Beijing break down its trade barriers, fulfill its obligations, fully open its economy — just as we have opened ours.

We’ll continue to take action against Beijing until the theft of American intellectual property ends once and for all. And we will continue to stand strong until Beijing stops the predatory practice of forced technology transfer. We will protect the private property interests of American enterprise. (Applause.)

And to advance our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, we’re building new and stronger bonds with nations that share our values across the region, from India to Samoa. Our relationships will flow from a spirit of respect built on partnership, not domination.

We’re forging new trade deals on a bilateral basis, just as last week President Trump signed an improved trade deal with South Korea. And we will soon begin historic negotiations for a bilateral free-trade deal with Japan. (Applause.)

I’m also pleased to report that we’re streamlining international development and finance programs. We’ll be giving foreign nations a just and transparent alternative to China’s debt-trap diplomacy. In fact, this week, President Trump will sign the BUILD Act into law.

Next month, it will be my privilege to represent the United States in Singapore and Papua New Guinea, at ASEAN and APEC. There, we will unveil new measures and programs to support a free and open Indo-Pacific. And on behalf of the President, I will deliver the message that America’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific has never been stronger. (Applause.)

Closer to home, to protect our interests, we’ve recently strengthened CFIUS — the Committee on Foreign Investment — heightening our scrutiny of Chinese investment in America to protect our national security from Beijing’s predatory actions.

And when it comes to Beijing’s malign influence and interference in American politics and policy, we will continue to expose it, no matter the form it takes. We will work with leaders at every level of society to defend our national interests and most cherished ideals. The American people will play the decisive role — and, in fact, they already are.

  • アメリカの国益、雇用、安全を護る。
  • 軍備を再強化しインド太平洋地域の安定を守る。
  • 自由構成で互恵的な経済関係、ならびに関税障壁や義務の履行、アメリカと同様の市場開放を引き続き中国政府に求める。
  • アメリカの知財の窃盗や、強制技術移転によるアメリカ企業からの掠奪に対しては断固たる対策で臨む。
  • 自由で開かれたインド太平洋地域を確立すべく同盟諸国、ASEAN・APEC参加諸国との連携を強化する。
  • アメリカは相互の敬意に基づき、支配ではなく連携による対外関係を構築すべく、中国の借金漬け外交に代る、国際開発資金プログラムの合理化を行う。

各界リーダーへの協力要請

As we gather here, a new consensus is rising across America. More business leaders are thinking beyond the next quarter, and thinking twice before diving into the Chinese market if it means turning over their intellectual property or abetting Beijing’s oppression. But more must follow suit. For example, Google should immediately end development of the “Dragonfly” app that will strengthen Communist Party censorship and compromise the privacy of Chinese customers. (Applause.)

It’s also great to see more journalists reporting the truth without fear or favor, digging deep to find where China is interfering in our society, and why. And we hope that American and global news organizations will continue to join this effort on an increasing basis.

More scholars are also speaking out forcefully and defending academic freedom, and more universities and think tanks are mustering the courage to turn away Beijing’s easy money, recognizing that every dollar comes with a corresponding demand. And we’re confident that their ranks will grow.

And across the nation, the American people are growing in vigilance, with a newfound appreciation for our administration’s actions and the President’s leadership to reset America’s economic and strategic relationship with China. Americans stand strong behind a President that’s putting America first.

グーグルなど世界的な企業プレイヤー、メディア関係者、学識経験者には大統領の「アメリカ・ファースト」方針の尊重を求めたい。

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オールアメリカの決意

And under President Trump’s leadership, I can assure you, America will stay the course. China should know that the American people and their elected officials in both parties are resolved.

As our National Security Strategy states: We should remember that “Competition does not always mean hostility,” nor does it have to. The President has made clear, we want a constructive relationship with Beijing where our prosperity and security grow together, not apart. While Beijing has been moving further away from this vision, China’s rulers can still change course and return to the spirit of reform and opening that characterize the beginning of this relationship decades ago. The American people want nothing more; and the Chinese people deserve nothing less.

The great Chinese storyteller Lu Xun often lamented that his country, and he wrote, “has either looked down at foreigners as brutes, or up to them as saints,” but never “as equals.” Today, America is reaching out our hand to China. And we hope that soon, Beijing will reach back with deeds, not words, and with renewed respect for America. But be assured: we will not relent until our relationship with China is grounded in fairness, reciprocity, and respect for our sovereignty. (Applause.)

There is an ancient Chinese proverb that reads, “Men see only the present, but heaven sees the future.” As we go forward, let us pursue a future of peace and prosperity with resolve and faith. Faith in President Trump’s leadership and vision, and the relationship that he has forged with China’s president. Faith in the enduring friendship between the American people and the Chinese people. And Faith that heaven sees the future — and by God’s grace, America and China will meet that future together.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)

共和党・民主党を問わず、アメリカの決意は固い。中国政府はこの点を銘記すべき。中国が本来の「改革開放」精神に立ち戻るならいまからでも遅くはない。アメリカは無用な対立を望まない。未来志向の相互尊重の関係に立ち戻ることはやぶさかでない。ただ、公正と互恵と主権に基づかない関係修復が確認されない限り、アメリカの決意は翻らない。

11:47 A.M. EDT

<スピーチ引用終わり>

以上見てきたように、ペンス副大統領の指摘はかなり具体的で踏み込んだものになっており、超党派の決意を示している。事実上の「冷戦布告」と見なしていいだろう。

米中関係がここに至ったのは、中国の非もあるがアメリカにも大いに非があると思う。今まで甘やかすだけ甘やかしておいて突然の態度硬化。中国はさぞ面食らったろう。少なくても、アメリカの亡国(売国)勢力(グローバリスト)にとっては、十二分の「互恵関係」にあったのだから。そのことは、今もアメリカのメディアがヒステリックにトランプおろしを画策している姿によく表れている。

欧米の中国蔑視とその裏腹の甘い中国観

こうした事態を招いたのはアメリカの外交音痴、とくに中国観の甘さによる。アメリカに限らず西洋諸国は中国にそれなりの敬意を持つ半面、その民衆の置かれた悲惨な状況を目の当たりにして自然と支配階級への蔑視を育んだ。彼らの文明国の基準を満たさないからだ。逆に、中国への軽侮が対中政策を甘くし、中共を増長させてしまう傾向が強い。

それと比較して、対等を求め、実際に強国化した「かわいくない」日本人に対する欧米人の態度は横柄であり、警戒的である。たとえば、第一次世界大戦後、日本は人種平等宣言を提唱し多数派の支持を得たが、強硬に批准を妨害したのは自由平等を謳っていたはずの英米である。

アメリカの歴史大局観の欠如は、以下の諸点を挙げればわかってもらえると思う。

  • 19世紀の中国に(しかも、今この期に及んでさえ)自由や公正を求める歴史音痴ぶり。異民族の国民性に関する無理解。
  • プロテスタントらしい勘違い感覚(マニフェスト・デスティニー)。
    • 自分より弱い立場のかわいそうな人間(=中国民衆)には同情を見せ、引き上げてやろうというお節介をする。
    • その裏腹に、自分と対等を主張する誇りある人間(=日本人)には必要以上に警戒し、敵対視する。
    • 同じような感覚はアメリカ国内のマイノリティの扱いにも顕著。
    • アメリカ人というのは伝統的にプロテスタントの、しかも急進的なピューリタントの宗教感情に規定された国なので、かわいそうな人間を甘やかす風土がある。それが巡り巡って国益を損じていることを自覚できないのだ。
  • アメリカが本当に「古典的自由主義の諸原則」に忠実な国なら、なぜ反共防波堤だった大日本帝国を敵対視したのか?国民党(蒋介石)の後方支援は認めるとしても、なぜコミンテルンの操る共産党(毛沢東)を潰しに行かなかったのか?
  • こうしたアメリカの複合的な大局判断の誤りが共産国家の台頭を招き、冷戦時代を決定づけて世界史の混乱を招いた。今日の夜郎自大な中国を作り上げたのは、彼らの言うのとは違う意味でアメリカ自身だろう(対中投資とその成果という意味では、本当に貢献したのは、日中戦争時の満州への「置き土産」を含め、日本以外ありえない)。

日本人の陥りやすい2つの誤解

いい機会なので、「マッカーサー鎖国」病にかかって時代の変化を読み取れない日本人の陥りやすい罠を2つほど指摘して締めとしたい。

グローバル経済とグローバリズムは違う

ひとつはグローバル経済とグローバリズムの区別だ。保守知識人でも多くがこれらを混同して、グローバリズムvsナショナリズムといった間違った問題設定で大衆を誤誘導している。

  • グローバル経済(もしくはグローバリゼーション)は単なる経済環境、現象だ。
  • グローバリズムは社会主義系統に端を発する国家アイデンティティ抹殺のためのイデオロギーである。中共もまたその先兵と考えてよい(共産主義は基本、国家否定のグローバリズム思想。経済政策は方便で、本願は政治体制の転覆)。

リーマンショックで派手に終焉したのはグローバリスト勢力(=ユダヤ左派を中心とする乗っ取り屋)であって、グローバル経済自体が衰退したわけではない。グローバリストや彼らに感化(洗脳)された人々(たとえば社会正義派、ジェンダーフリー派)はいまもアンチ・トランプ陣営でいい人ぶりっこ、良識派ぶりっこに興じているが、すでに歴史的役目を終えているのに気づかない残念な人たちである。

アメリカ人もアメリカを「取り戻す」必要がある

ブレクジットからトランプ出現が大きな意味を持つのは、瀕死の状態に追い込まれた「古き良きアメリカ」がようやく目覚め、反撃し始めたからである。これはある意味、中国の増長のおかげだ。

これに関連して日本の知識人は誤解している人が多いのだが、戦後日本国民を洗脳したのはいわゆるアメリカ人ではない。グローバリストたちである。同じ勢力はアメリカ国内でアメリカ国民を洗脳してきたのだから、実際には日米両国民ともに被害者なのである。

アメリカ人は二大政党制ですらない。無国籍な亡国者集団と伝統主義的な愛国者が対立しているだけである。

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アメリカも「百円屈辱」の歴史を持つ

アメリカがグローバリストに乗っ取らられ、「古き良きアメリカ」でなくなったのは、ちょうど100年ほど前、ウッドロウ・ウィルソン大統領の時代である。いわゆる「ディープ・ステート」(深層国家)の基本はこの頃に確立されたといってよい。

グローバリストたちは、政治学者上がりの空想主義者を大統領に担ぎ上げ(共和党をルーズベルトとタフトの二大派閥に分裂させることで漁夫の利を得させた)、自分たちの意向に沿うアメリカに改造していったのだ。

  • 1913年、FRB創設
  • 1916年、ルイス・ブランダイスの最高裁判事就任(史上初のユダヤ人最高裁判事)
  • 1917年、「勝利なき平和」宣言、ロシア革命、対独参戦、バルフォア宣言(イギリスのシオニズム支持)
  • 1918年、十四ヶ条の平和原則

ウィルソンといえば、民主主義・平和的解決の宣教者(宣教師外交)、理想主義、国際協調主義・・・と評されるが、むしろアメリカはここから軍事大国化していくのである。結果的に、ウィルソンはグローバリストによるアメリカ蚕食の露払い役を務めたに過ぎない。そもそも欧米から「国際何たら」と発せられる場合、つねに左翼的な「国家否定の意思」とセットになっているから眉に唾して見ないと騙されるのである。

アメリカ国民はもう1世紀もこうした左翼ユダヤ人が支配するマスメディアと教育のもとに、「何となくリベラル」になるよう仕向けられてきた。「古き良きアメリカ」は野蛮で差別的だと教えられてきた。いまも環境運動、社会正義、ジェンダーフリー等々の名の下にむなしいリベラルいい子ぶりっこが続いている。”まともな” アメリカ人は二重人格を生きるしかない。そのストレスが精神分析やネオスピリチュアリズムや陰謀論にはけ口を求めているのである。

そのような次第なのでトランプ・ドクトリンはけっして突然変異でも一過性ではない。イギリスのブレクジットと歩調を合わせた保守本流の反撃である。

ぬるま湯過ぎて抜け出せない戦後体制

日本人もけっして他人事ではない。憲法9条と財政法4条(国債まかりならんの根拠)を押し戴いたまま70有余年を空費している。「平和国家」へ邁進すればするだけ自分の首を絞める(=緊縮財政⇒増税容認)というジレンマがいわゆる戦後レジュームであり、なぜこれを脱却できないかといえば、左が反国家思潮(何となくリベラルな無関心層)を支え、右が対米従属の現状維持(在日米軍容認)を支えているから、予定調和過ぎて(=ぬるま湯的に心地良すぎて)均衡が崩れないのである。というか、誰も本気で均衡を崩そうとは思っていないのだ。そして天皇陛下でさえ公式に自国軍人の霊を慰めることができず、外国人の慰霊ばかりしている「リベラル強盛」国家になってしまった。

沖縄の一つでも失わないと日本人のDNAは目覚めないのだろうか?

 

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